Summary
- AFRINIC’s 29 April publication placed the opening of remote voting on 16 June and the members’ meeting and in-person vote on 23 June, so a live election state was meant to exist before members assembled.
- The remote route and the meeting-day route were not merely two interfaces. They required different credentials, authority checks, custodians, opening and closing events, exception handling and evidence, even though both were intended to feed one corporate result.
- Hybrid access had a strong inclusion case: it could reduce travel, time-zone and scheduling burdens while preserving in-person representative and proxy routes. That benefit increased, rather than erased, the obligation to show how the channels excluded double use and reconciled their records.
- The official page and guidelines establish what AFRINIC announced. They do not prove that the design was applied faithfully, that any member’s status was handled correctly, that either subtotal was accurate or that a combined tally was certifiable.
- A credible design needed a public hybrid custody certificate: a common rule and electorate version, member authority states, one-method transitions, observed channel closes, separate totals, exception categories, a signed reconciliation, a challenge period and a documented handback of the proof record.
- Even a properly evidenced election could authorise only AFRINIC’s private corporate organs. AFRINIC is a member-based technical registry and coordinator, not a sovereign, legislature, regulator, police force, prosecutor, punisher, confiscator or public-law court.
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